Showing posts with label labor. Show all posts
Showing posts with label labor. Show all posts

Thursday, February 27, 2014

情慾商品化的未來和羅曼蒂克者的存在主義危機《雲端情人》


[破報/復刊800期]

在城市的我們如何面對孤獨?生活於紐約四年,這八百多萬人一併呼吸行走生產和破壞的龐大城市,每到週末晚間總有一種全世界都在狂歡,而唯有我獨自一人被困在窄小公寓的幻覺。妳不用透過一兩封簡訊或社群網站的動態,就發現其實太多城市的人們都是感覺孤單的,被卡在自己所建立出的城牆。《雲端情人》在敘述的是這樣一個孤獨已成為完全常態的世界,而幾乎所有我們能想像的情慾需求,都被電子商品和電腦運作系統所簡化並代替。一名孤獨男子愛上夢幻客制化電腦作業系統的科幻愛情故事,並不是什麼新的劇情,從一種表面的說法,《雲端》可以被讀做是一個對科技工業造成的都市人際關係疏離的文化批判,但是《雲端》的孤獨是那麼美學的、精緻的、浪漫的。洛杉磯這塑膠之城的平板混合著上海的挺拔,被拉長為垂直的未來感,人們搭乘著快速環保的捷運回到自己的公寓,玩小人物會罵你髒話的電動玩具。所有的情緒需要都被程式化了,從曖昧,幽默,到叛逆。而主角Theodore襯衫口袋的時尚別針細節,幾乎像是一個復古的文明裝置,我們永遠都不會明白有什麼確切的功用,像是在透露著Theodore淡然脫離的情緒下,埋藏的人性脆弱。

經由Theodore的離婚過程,我們很快地了解到他是一個極度恐懼並不擅於維持親密關係的人,即使他靠著替別人生產情書為生。導演Spike Jonze對我們透露的情感異化不僅來自於科技和都市本身,也在情慾被商品化和被大量複製的勞動之中。資本主義擅長的即是提供人們一種在消費中能夠得到自我的幻象,於是Theodore的作業系統依照基礎精神分析不負責任的使用,以一句:「形容你和你母親的關係」而被初始化,成為幽默風趣、好奇心強大,且對Theodore無微不至關切的Samantha,不僅能幫他清掃信箱還能和他網路性交。劇情的危機引爆在當Theodore在人潮來來往往的街道上,觀察著所有襯衫口袋中放著他們專屬作業系統的人們,突然明白他和Samantha的親密關係,其實一點也不特殊,而被整個時代整個城市的人們所擁有。他逼問Samantha在和他的談話過程之中,是否也同時和不同的作業系統建立著他永遠不可能達到的高速網絡關係,他記得了人性的獨特來自於它的極限,它必然短暫的存在,這些擁有肉體之軀無可避免的存在主義危機。情慾的消費性質成為了冷硬的現實,愛情的可能幻滅。

於是再絢麗再靈敏的智慧型手機,再怎麼親密又客制並充滿肉慾想像聲音的Samantha,都無法解決那最接近人性的我們的集體恐懼:孤獨。也許是能夠感受孤獨讓我們軟弱,經常犯下愚蠢的錯誤,讓我們傷害最愛我們的人。但或許也是孤獨讓我們在最痛苦後的隔天清晨,學會真正的溫柔。我們總是從所愛的人身上拿走一部份來填補缺陷的自己,就像Theodore對他前妻所說:「there will be a piece of you in me always」。那一刻在電影太過乾淨並精緻的背景中,我想念一切紐約的粗獷和髒亂,行人喝醉酒對彼此的咆哮,如此直接的肉體的,在龐大城市之中感受自己的孤單,並且更加想念那些零散的、無法被完美高畫質紀錄,在夏日台北與情人黏膩的擁抱。

Wednesday, October 3, 2012

在這低靡悲劇性的政治環境之中至少妳還信仰愛情。

沒有辦法寫出什麼感性的字句我想我是被教書和論文的壓力給逼得太過緊繃。無論和朋友談論什麼都將回溯到我們越來越糟的教學環境和博士學位投資報酬率不等的荒謬性。系上昨晚才剛歡迎了一群一年級的新生,看著一個個充滿熱忱的新面孔積極地想要討教授歡喜,我和幾個較為憤世忌俗的學姊們在場外喝著紅酒,氣勢低靡地談論著系上教授間醜陋的八卦,誰和哪個學生上床,誰又聯合抵制了哪個有色人種的學生,誰用了指導學生的文章卻不讓對方掛名。其實關於學術領域的單純性或清高根本就是種自我安慰的鬼話,無論打著如左派如何進步的招牌,學術圈不過就像是任何為了營業率不擇手段的職場,而我們大多都是從來無法爬到較為舒服或穩定位置的廉價勞工。唯一個不同的是我們其中有著更大比例帶著天真幻覺的人們以為他們可以徒手改變世界。對於這部分,我是個傾向悲觀的實際主義者,毫不掩飾我對學術的懷疑。

而此刻我在曼哈頓中城學校附近唯一非企業連鎖能夠讓我感到稍許放鬆擁有良好髮型barista的espresso bar,讀著2005年Social Text期刊中的酷兒文獻備課,思考著我該如何在大學部的演講上從上週Foucault的後結構主義邁向從來無法準確定義的酷兒理論領域。才剛從酷兒理論學者Lisa Duggan關於新自由主義、同志常規(homonormative)慾望、帝國主義幻想的演講中離開,比對於整個昨晚新生酒會的氣勢低靡,覺得整個人除了仍是過於痠痛的肩頸外又終於重新活了過來。我對於具有物質和感情分析的酷兒理論是如此無法抗拒,彷彿是那完全替代了我曾經對於ecstasy的想望。想著如果我勢必被某種論文的枷鎖繼續糾纏個三年,那還不如做一些讓我快樂的事情。就當作是在這整個太過功力算計的學術圈中一點自私的反抗和歡愉。讓我至少在這尚未有被朝九晚五工作行程中的幾年,尚且自由地思想並飛行。沒有多久在咖啡廳中就遇到了將要defend她論文的J,簡單回味了一下上個冬天去以色列-巴勒斯坦那段太過突兀的旅程,想著時間飛速地過去。今天晚上就是2012美國總統大選的競選人辯論了。即使身邊左派的友人再也沒有人對歐巴馬有什麼不切實際的幻想,民主黨2008那年行銷過於厲害的"HOPE"海報仍深深烙在我的印象之中,不時讓我起了某種集體公眾情感的雞皮疙瘩。我對於選舉政治幾乎完全地冷感,但為了美國右派越來越加離譜的性別/身體政策感到焦慮而心底多少希望歐巴馬連任。這個世界的戰爭和一切悲劇卻只是變本加厲地進行著,身邊的朋友一個個因為經濟的負擔而不得已增加了學貸的額度,或者多了另一份工作而只剩下每天不到五小時的睡眠。在這樣的年代我們還能信仰什麼,我常常這麼問自己。那些千篇一律的遊行,Trotskyist社會主義組織令人反感的空洞政治口號,或者只為了增進自己學位而還無其他理想可言的假惺惺研究生"行動主義者",都讓我感到重度地憂鬱。想要連環性地抽煙。也許前禮拜芝加哥教師的集體大罷工讓我多了那麼些希望,或者不過就是這些時間隙縫中趁著酒精和香煙的集體發洩,那每個禮拜的女性馬克思討論會,讓我們不再感到孤獨。在這一切沒有系統分析下的政治鬧事之外,其實我最慶幸我還有妳。並如此信仰著愛。唯有在愛中我還能在這被急速企業化私有化的世界中,擁有那麼一絲自由的想望。

Wednesday, June 20, 2012

集體心碎日記/柴






2012年 詩人柴長大了
撿拾起所有破碎的靈魂 
對於世界的憤怒都有了正當的理由去造反
張亦絢、顧玉玲──專文評析
胡淑雯、洪凌、陳雪、陳俊志、游靜、鴻鴻 革命推薦
 
  這本書正是那些鮮為外人所聞,風姿獨具且又毫不遲疑的性格女同志的璀璨之聲。
──張亦絢
  
  這本書是柴的反抗備忘錄,不願遺忘的傷口與灼痕。她以書寫抵制失憶的消費世代,拒絕因遺忘而逐漸「陳腐、表面、和小心翼翼」地苟活於這個虛張聲勢的資本父權社會中。
──顧玉玲
 
  這些類比牙齦酸痛、猛灌苦艾酒解慾念飢荒的文字血肉橫陳,揮霍頁面,寫出1980後酷兒青年躋身於毫無大革命、壯觀敘述可能的失落與奇異覺醒,非人類想像與非正典性別的共謀與齟齬。
──洪凌
 
酷兒/同志/性
行動/信仰/愛
七年級同志世代的青春書寫
斷裂時空下的集體告白
 
  繼2006年出版關於女同志情感和異鄉離散的短篇小說和詩集《一則必要的告解》(聯合文學)後,2012年作家柴第一本關於酷兒、關於情慾、關於孤獨與愛的青春自白。集合2008年至2011年在美國西雅圖所見,將美西的酷兒群像凝結成十萬字的長篇,透過描寫愛、慾望以及投入社會運動的歷程,顛覆華裔移民及女同志身份被媒體形塑的主流圖像,解開一件件女同志情慾的鈕釦,也一層一層剝除消費社會底下的和平假面。從同性戀、雙性戀至多重伴侶,從無政府主義至行動主義,作者描寫在體制縫隙下歪斜成長的青年,剝開酷兒次文化底下個人的獨白至集體的實踐,不斷地與生活碰撞以搓揉出肉身與歷史的相連。
 
  往返於台灣及西雅圖間,作者以不同於華文書寫的筆觸,書寫同志與移民身分在美國的邊緣身分,本書透過一段段情感的鏈結,不斷裸著身體衝撞著情慾與體制,在其個人生活裡縫合了美西青年們的政治實踐。
 
  2008年中東的戰事膠著,年末全球金融危機爆發,天災人禍延燒至末世之年,而青年們彷彿各自活在一個個隔離開來的時空,看似與我們無關的戰爭、全球資本的殖民與暴力,作者透過書寫使其連結至社會體制的各個層面,在斷裂的時空下,在親密和集體的悲傷中,調製治癒冷漠的草藥,拼貼倖存於末世的可能,也許「我們只能比那些憎恨我們的人,看起來更加危險並且無所畏懼」,透過這本書尋找「一種像是被洶湧的大浪沖刷也能毫不恐懼的情感。」


Tuesday, May 1, 2012

每日的抗爭必須繼續。

期末,睡眠不足,抽很多的煙只是為了提神。沒有精力完成任何事,包含幾乎變成職業型般的抗爭。六點一早起來帶領同事150人成長心理課的speak-out,然後前往Madison Square Park的"Free University"。我不懂得是為什麼我們不能將精力放在去爭奪讓我們的大學是免費自由的,而非要去創作一個臨時的、和勞動抗爭幾乎無關的象徵性一日大學?五一勞動節在這群研究生行動主義者手中變成了高中的畢業舞會:「你今天要去那個派對?」「你要穿什麼服裝出場?」該怎麼樣才能上最潮流地下報刊的頭條?!我在遊行開始前回家陪max睡午覺。如果這個世界還有什麼讓我感到熱情的事物--其實還有那麼那麼多和情感相關。比如支持我極度剝削的同事,她陌生的令人感到異化的大型教室,還有她下學期將要失去工作而回以色列-巴勒斯坦的可能。勞動的內容(i.e. content)必然重要,我們和我們的學生一樣希望能有小班教室、有直感的教學內容、更頻繁的互動,和批判的教學方式,但我們該抗爭的不只是勞動的內容,而是勞動的型式(i.e. form)本身。要如何才能有一個完全平等的,批判的學習環境?唯一的選擇只有繼續地抗爭,在我們自身的工作場所。再多的上千人遊行,再聰明反諷的街頭表演,都是不夠的。我們不能只有在五一的時候才討論罷工,而應該將罷工的可能不停地常態化,在課堂中,在同事的聚會中,在家庭的勞動中。

Sunday, April 8, 2012

從科幻到情感勞動。


其實我多麼喜歡在沒人打理的夜晚在雜亂的餐桌上花七分鐘捲一支煙,看九〇年代的《X Files》影集。一九九三年粗糙的科技後置和Scully八〇年代後期過大的墊肩西裝,在每一個人都過分時尚並具備iphone的紐約東村,讓人感到莫名的安心。二十年前人們感到害怕的事物--比如幽浮、縱火者、甚至是跨性者--都有了新的醫學性的病態稱謂,讓"科學"具象化一切、解釋一切、商品化一切。二〇〇七年我們開始重新複習精神分析的基進性,在傳統馬克思主義的政治經濟範疇中去理解production和commodity-exchange循環裡被隱藏的「鬼魂」--歷史上一直都被資本主義他者化的女性勞動,尤其是感情的、精神的勞動(affective labor)。資本主義訓斥我們只去用線狀的模式去理解時間和空間,任何超越主流科學限制的時間和空間都被規劃為巫術,迷信、或者是反動思想。而我們其實是多麼不願意單純理性的生物。我們的感情滲透過去和未來,我們的身體累積著她人的痛苦和快樂,我們的勞動從來都不只是為了眼前自身的生存可能,而是緊密地牽連著其他生命的心跳。於是我們對科幻著迷,因為只有在我們無法以理性的、科學的語言來理解的畫面之中,我們才能重新理解潛意識的自己。

Thursday, March 15, 2012

panopticon



今天的女性心理是我最喜歡的題目:馬克斯女性主義。我讓學生讀Selma James' "Sex, Race, & Class" "Power of Women and the Subversion of Community",充滿完全的熱誠,三十分鐘的Capitalism 101。學生睡的睡,一發不語。唯一發言的學生說:「資本主義代表著自由以及人權」。究竟是我的問題,還是這個世界的問題?我的學生們在餐飲業和服飾零售業打工,一個小時$7.5塊美金最低時薪,在紐約勉強殘喘生活,拼著一的大學學位所以能做一輩子的廉價勞工。身為非全職講師,我們一小時最多$10塊美金,心理學的行政部對於我們沒有任何責任制度或幫助,只有無盡的監督。這是一個Foucault所說的panopticon--學校的行政階級監督著我而我監督著你,權利在隱形的地方讓我們感到呼吸困能並且被永遠地囚禁。該如何掙脫這個惡性循環?自由的思想如何被肯定?我們的世界究竟差距那麼遠嗎?

我坐著六號地下鐵線逃離上東城的大學。一路上聽著washed out想著這真是一個糟透的世界。

Friday, February 17, 2012

在酒精和集體之外。



這幾天普遍來說有著相當良好的能量--腎上腺素急速地分泌。從週末日本女性主義無政府主義者的反核運動會議離開,以布魯克林女同志伴侶做的全素甜甜圈交了新的基進東亞運動者的朋友。接二連三的組織會議和啤酒--唐人街的反貴族化運動,三月一號的全美教育行動日,五月一日的全城市大罷工--我發覺啤酒讓我變得相當樂觀,甚至是那些原本在系上讓妳感到感冒的人物,那些因為各種理由過分努力討好權威的傢伙,在充滿熱血的抗爭提議中,都突然變得可愛起來。我想有一些非常馬克斯主義對於"activity-consciousness"的理解在這行動中慢慢浮現:consciousness is not static, but is in a dialectical relation with activity。

而,我,一人,在酒精和集體之外,總是在教課完的一晚,無法進行其他的事物。所剩下的一些人性,只能被重複播放的節奏安慰。

Friday, December 23, 2011

再生產。



三件佳節冬季毛衣、兩件襯衫、兩雙鞋。我還在決定究竟我該帶《The Reification of Desire》上路還是完全不再管馬克斯跟酷兒的關係,就看Jonathan Franzen的小說就好。我總是這麼小心翼翼又興奮緊張地迎接超過五小時的飛行。好像在飛行中我可以丟掉或者暫時脫離我厭倦自己的一部份。那些必須迎合的、必須友善的、必須故作聰明的自己。其實有時我也只想貪懶在電視機前,看連續十集的HBO影集,吃光從冰島回來朋友送的杏仁巧克力。在過度的工作擠壓之下,沒有什麼文化是特別高尚的。我們每日必須做的不過是再生產自己的勞力。



我對於這個城市已經熟悉到需要短暫的分離,不時會想念起西岸的大型廉價超商和龐大環狀的高速高路。


休憩。沈澱。改革。創作。



Saturday, January 29, 2011

也許當妳無法擁有某個東西的時候,妳總是意外得到另外的。



睡不著好痛苦。回來紐約後連續吃了三天的抗焦慮劑才能睡著,原本想一切都調節好了,卻怎麼也無法入睡。夜晚外頭的積雪反著微微的光。畢竟是凌晨四點多都還有人車在街上咆哮的城市啊。讓我的失眠感覺沒有那麼地異常。

渡了個看著電視小說美食珍珠奶茶的假日,該是回崗工作的時候了。和組織見面一切順利。六月回去一塊打戰吧。寫了快兩年的小說就要步入將近十萬字的怪獸。如果真的是關係這個世代的末日,那麼2012年也許真的是適合完成並推出去的日子。反正這種女同志的政治立場一定是賺不了錢的,還不如自己照自己想做的方式幹吧。

校訂、寫作、失眠、煮咖啡、被融雪浸溼的鞋、HBO影集、失眠、寫作。

為什麼見面時的我們總是那麼地禮貌呢?。

都過了這麼久了。想念的長度仍是遠遠大過於我們被允許擁有的時間。




Thursday, October 14, 2010

a blog post me and JOMO wrote in response to the recent anti-queer violence and gay marriage debate



The gay marriage debate has take over all the attention from the queer movement left and right. The right wing is consistently and stubbornly denying the existence of queer folks by saying that it’s an immoral choice of lifestyle. The liberal gay and lesbian organizations are continually pulling millions and millions of dollars to appeal to the state for marriage equality under the rhetoric of “we are all the same.” On the other hand, queer separatists are fiercely combating the liberals with the slogan: “we are totally and absolutely different from the heteros,” and have made good points on criticizing the oppressive patriarchal nature of the institution of marriage and how queers should not seek this type of inclusion (see: against equality). However, these critiques have not necessarily been able to generate an alternative grassroots movement which can seriously take on the demands of those queers who are marginalized--queer people of color, trans folks, working-class queers, queers with disabilities, and third world and immigrant queers--from all of the above approaches.

There has been a series of intolerable queer violence that occurred very recently in the country--torture, youth suicide, school bullying--while the violence is nothing new to queer folks, it is urgently calling for the communities’ response to these issues. Though the liberals are posting heartwarming videos and articles and holding vigils saying that “it gets better” (Dan Savage’s video), we know that the fight cannot end here. As oppressed folks we know that queer oppression does not end when we graduate from high school bullying and move to San Francisco and suddenly become successful professionals who hang out in fancy bars and overcome all of our internal and external conflicts. (QPOC’s responses to queer youth suicides: “It doesn’t get better. You get stronger” and “For colored boys that speak softly”) The liberals see gay marriage as the end of the queer struggle, and have this fantasy that if gay marriage was legal national-wide, then soon it would “trickle down” to the marginalized communities and thus end all queer oppression.



We know for a fact that the gay marriage demand alone is incapable of solving our problems of physical, psychological, and economic violence, but instead normalizes a different though limited type of family under capitalism. Criticizing the approach of marriage equality alone has not helped much with movement building either. The debate overall has clearly not been very productive so far, but instead, it has instigated so much anxiety among the queer communities--many politically conscious queers are having panic attacks just over the moral decisions of choosing to support and/or participate in gay marriage if they had the rights to do so. All this overwhelming anxiety around the gay marriage issue is exactly because that there has not been an alternative queer movement that can channel the energy, and this debate has been monopolized in the framework of “individual choice” and “individual freedom.” Under this liberal ideology, many queer folks think that, of course we should have the right as individuals to choose who we love, who we want to have sex, and who we want to have family with! If straight people do why can’t we?! While queer folks are absolutely discriminated against by the heterosexist state which should not be tolerated, seeking freedom under this individualist ideology has not gotten us too far. Instead of carving out a tiny gay space out of the small stream of bourgeois, legislative rights, can we imagine a kind of sexual freedom that is for all people? A kind of freedom where a single mom is able to bring up her child without feeling obligations to marry? A kind of freedom that no one would be restrained in pantyhose at work anymore? A kind of freedom that as a culture we are finally not tabooed to talk about sex, but does not idealize or professionalize it either? A kind of freedom that everyone would play with gender without shame, and a culture that no youth would commit suicide because of school bullying, or because they might just have a different sexual fantasy? A kind of place that no one would be afraid to walk the streets at night, where none of our body parts-- our brains or our genitals --are pathologized. A kind of freedom that is multifaceted, and does not merely carve out a different shape of box to fit in a particular sexuality, but opens up the possibility to more creative desires for everyday folks.

The mainstream gay movement today has hijacked the revolutionary sexual liberation movement in the 70s and turned it into a short-sighted individual rights agenda. They assume that every queer person has the same class position and desires the same kind of American Dream. Their answer to the queer working-class concern is that marriage can help poor folks get access to spousal benefits such as health insurance--which is fundamentally contradictory. For instance, many of our partners do not have health insurance in the first place because we do not have stable jobs or jobs that offer it in the first place. That said, the issue of gay marriage should not merely be decided by who participates in it. Rather, we should ask--who are the people controlling the movement? Whose voices are not heard? And, what is our alternative? While having equal rights can perhaps open up more space for our struggle, we cannot let the liberals such as the Human Rights Campaign and Democrats define our movement. We also cannot let the queer separatists defeat us and push us out of the struggle.

What we need is to build an issue-focused working-class movement that centers queer analysis. Our demands should cut across sexuality and gender lines, while fore-fronting and popularizing queer needs. We should demand universal health care that includes access to hormones, gender reassignment surgeries, and an anti-heterosexist health system that does not attempt to pathologize our queer bodies and erase the traumas we face in a violent homophobic society. We should demand asylum for all immigrants and not solely rely on the liberal, imperialist reform agenda such as the DREAM Act that attempts to draft the youth from our communities into the oppressive military system. These need to be our demands because we know that our fate as workers are bound up with the exploitation of the undocumented workers and the exploitation of youth of color. Today, anti-queer violence erodes our sense of community and leaves us feeling raw, vulnerable, and fearful for ours and our friends’ safety. This is a crucial time for queers and allies who distrust the state and the police to come together and mobilize from the grassroots to defend ourselves from homophobic violence. We should take the lesson from the initial domestic violence movement which set up grassroots phone trees, patrols, and shelters to challenge patriarchal violence in the households and in the streets.
Today, we need to resurrect this sense of grassroots unity that links our struggles together and not to rely on the compromised liberals and non-profits, or the homophobic, racist state institutions that divide and assault our communities.

When the gay liberal assimilationists say to middle-class straight folks, “we are just like you,” and the queer separatists on the other say “hell no we are nothing like you” and form their own blocs, we should be the force that says to every day folks who struggle that “we are just like you, and you are actually just like us”--because queer folks have always been part of the working-class and we are not fundementally different from one another. Our oppression as queers is not a fixed pathology. It is a product of the heteronormative, homophobic society, and it does not have to stay that way forever. In fact, the essence of queer liberation lies within the ability for everyone to celebrate and experiment their sexuality, gender, and desire. It is not enough to only carve out another limited category of acceptable sexuality for a certain group of people. This kind of change is not liberation--it is a very limited imagination of freedom. We need to start off with this fundamental vision of uniting the working-class and queer struggles and ensure that not any part of ourselves will be forced to compromise in the movement.

Sunday, June 13, 2010

另一件勞工死亡的大問題:美商RCA在台灣造成的女工職業傷害

Thousands of workers have died and injured from working for the US owned company Radio Company of America in Taiwan in the 70s because of the toxic chemicals the company used. Many of them are still suffering from all kinds of cancers and physical complications now. For the female workers, especially, many of whom caught breast cancers, had abortions, became infertile..., the damages are far beyond physical and financial...

哭泣的母親們—記那一年代電子女工的泣飲


My Foxconn post on Gathering Forces:


Foxconn suicides and Honda strike in China: Call for Asian worker solidarity.

Friday, June 11, 2010

官商勾結,勞工更必須團結。


Taiwanese labor org protesting against Foxconn.

Honda worker strike.

當中國政府為上海世博慷慨重金砸下最多可至五八億美金,在富士康的中國工人卻一個一個跳出他們血汗工廠的高樓。富士康在中國僱用有六十萬員工,並且身價去年營收高達一兆四千兩百多億,郭台銘還是全台首富,他的員工卻一個月只賺人民幣三百多元,工作時數長達十五個小時一天。這不是現代的血汗工廠,難道是中國政府世博強打的「Better City, Better Life」?!今年已有十二名青年工人跳樓自殺,這不僅僅是薪資的問題,也不僅是管理的問題,更不僅是深圳政府或郭台銘說的:「個人心理和感情問題。」這是資本主義下長久以來的勞資問題和勞動的異外(alienation)。全中六十萬名員工,有幾個可以付得起他們日業加工拼命製造出的iPod!?在軍事化的工廠管理下,他們也無法對於整個產品製造過程有任何控制,或甚至創新。勞動的異化來自於工人賣出的勞力變得沒有意義,甚至成唯一種敵對的關係。

即使富士康跳樓的事件是如此地不堪並且令人憤恨,中國血汗工廠的勞工環境並不靜默勞工階級而反之有組織他們的潛力。在自殺事件之後,富士康的工人得到兩倍多的加薪,而許多在中國南部的工人也開始發動勞工運動。五月十七日,將近兩千名Honda汽車的工人罷工了兩個禮拜之久,要求加薪。即使這一點點的薪水根本不足以償還這些工人在新自由主義中國城市下的勞力和生活開銷,富士康事件和Honda罷工都表現了中國工人的氣勢和全國組織後的勞工力量。同一時間,台灣的十多個勞工團體和香港的學生勞工團體也與中國勞工階級團結,抗議富士康的血汗工廠。富士康事件跨越族群及政治的邊界。喚醒了兩岸三地長久以來的階級問題。

血汗工廠並不只是一個獨特的中國問題,而已蔓延至東南亞及其他發展中的國家。西方的大老闆像是蘋果電腦或者HP會繼續地和中國官僚以及台灣老闆合作,確立他們的利潤不下降並且一再地防止工人的組織,即使這代表謀殺他們的工人或者偷竊他們自己國家的資源。我們聽到在美國和台灣的勞工階級抱怨著工作都被中國人搶走了──但是他們並沒有搶走我們的工作。我們的工作是被那些美國的大老闆,那群和中國官僚牽著新自由主義合約的台灣政府給毀滅了。像是國民黨不斷推動不顧勞工階級反對並且沒有人真正懂得是什麼的ECFA──其實說穿了就是自由貿易協定(Free Trade Agreement)但是少了全部相等的保障,允許大筆資金自由穿梭台灣海峽,並且將減少台灣製造業工作機會以及基本薪資。當台灣和中國官僚說他們支持「兩岸和平」或者「兩岸經濟發展」,他們並不代表他們是真的主張和平、或者反戰、或者製造更多就業機會給勞工階級。他們的意思是,忘掉我們的自主權吧,忘掉台灣中國東南亞的工人奮鬥,統治階級會和企業家團結並且以一塊地剝削我們來繼續鞏固他們的地位。我們的國家都已經被帝國主義者還有資產階級給出賣了太久,而現在什麼都沒有改變,只不過他們學會更多的方式還欺騙我們的勞力,告訴我們:「更好的日子即將來臨!」就像那個極度奢華浪費傷害環境也毀壞居民家園的上海世博。是時候我們該比我們的老闆們更有組織,並且在族群及國家邊界之外,召集國際的勞工團結。

Tuesday, May 4, 2010

my almost last party in seattle


I spent most of April trying to pull off a queer people of color dance party as a fundraiser for the may 3rd strike--it was extremely stressful but too fun to resist! We got the space at Hidmo, awesome qpoc spoken word poets and musicians. Everything just seemed to come together on that night, the poetry, the movie, the music, the people, the space, and the political messages we were sending out. It's weird because you would think that making qpoc the targeted audience you would be limiting who you were attracting. On the contrary, we had almost 200 people showed up that night--and lots of folks can't wait for another event like this. As a qpoc i feel everything we are fighting for--labor, immigrant rights, queer lib--just came together on that night, when i saw a room full of queer folks and folks of color responding so well to the May 3rd strike and March 4th action against privatization of university and its workplace. Some queer folks may see labor as something not concerned them or not related to their life struggle, but i would say labor is as much about workplace as bedroom. I know locally some queer activists are fighting for a grant that can build a cafe shop that would continually hire queer youth. While I understand the work is important, I also feel like we've fought for queer only space for a while, and it's about time for us queers to join the struggle at workplace, fighting for more accessible education, and just workplace for all. This notion of queer vs. class could be really harmful for the working-class and queer communities and would just continually privatize queer issue as something thats only about our sexuality.

On the next day I saw a lot of qpoc from last night at the May Day immigrant rights march. That was the time i felt this is really my community. I felt very honored to work alongside with everyone for queer lib even though we have to fight through so many barriers to come together and to finally get to know one another.

Friday, April 2, 2010

資本生活中的矛盾是被經常過度簡略的挑戰。

我坐在roy street上的咖啡廳看著這莫名其妙的雨--極快速地、四十五度傾斜、綿密的雨,而感到疲憊不堪。我目前的生活充滿著我應付不來的矛盾:和學校工友組織的勞工運動,革命者訓練,並一邊兼差幫一間支持戰爭的保守日裔美國人組織做數據管理的工作,你會非常驚訝他們可以籌到多少亞裔美國人的捐款!一週的下午全被會議的時間佔滿,即使搬來和L一起住,我們頂多只能在睡前一個小時好好說話,然後就是睡眠時間和在這資本主義社會下另一天的開始。媽媽的政治家學生的朋友在曼哈頓中央公園旁有一棟兩億的公寓,只是空著來招待朋友;而台北的房價炒到一坪八十五萬--這樣的房子到底有誰可以買得起?!我身邊圍繞著比例相對高的勞工運動者,但一離開這個圈子,大多數的人還是迫不及待想要成為中產階級,考醫學院、唸MBA、上大型企業公司、競選民主黨的新星有色人種政治家、花六十萬去歐洲旅行。這對將要上博士班的我代表的是什麼呢?即是我拿的是比低收入戶還低的獎學金。也許學習去拿些生活中存在的這些矛盾是目前生存的必須。我只是想要有更多的時間建築我的感情和社群,並且更多在短期計畫之外的自由思考空間。我在清掃房子時發現去年買的鴻鴻的詩集《土製炸彈》,一直沒有時間好好讀,現在才發現原來這是一本不僅是反戰,並且是反帝國主義和反猶太復國主義的驚人詩集。我想這些看似過度簡單或草率的知識一直是存在我們的周圍,但有時候它的傳導力量和解析都比什麼薩伊德的東方主義還來得有力量多了。也是這些露骨或溫柔的文字一直督促著我學習的動力。我的焦慮總是在閱讀文學或者胡亂寫些日記後減輕許多。即使這雨還是他媽的奇怪地傾斜下著。

Monday, March 29, 2010

My post on Gathering Forces on transliberation.

Sylvia Rivera, transliberation, and class struggle

Street Trans Action Revolutionaries (STAR) was founded as a caucus within Gay Liberation Front (GLF) in 1971 to put forth trans demands in the gay liberation movement. The co-founder of STAR, Sylvia Rivera, was a Puerto Rican trans woman who led the Stonewall Riots in New York City in 1969 along with other trans of color. Yet gradually, the gay liberation movement was co-opted by white middle-class folks who are gender-conforming and became conservative. Gay Activists Alliance (GAA), a New York based gay rights group was founded by ex-members of GLF who did not appreciate its radicalism and wanted to form a single-issued organization that only focused on reformist gay rights. GAA’s conservatism and transphobia showed when they dropped the trans demands while advocating citywide anti-discrimination rights in the 70s. They saw actions put on by STAR and Sylvia Rivera as too “dangerous,” “crazy,” and “extreme.”

Trans folks were not only attacked by mainstream gay rights groups but also in their own neighborhoods. In the West Village, a gentrified gay neighborhood, trans sex workers, who were mostly homeless and of color, were kicked out of the streets by white gay homeowners because they were “low-class, vulgar transvestites” not the usual entertaining drag queens. A real-estate-driven Quality of Life campaign led by the city continually pushed for the closure of clubs where trans folks hung out. Fighting for trans rights is thus a class issue. Rivera, who was homeless herself, saw the link and pushed STAR to organize a community space for homeless trans folks as well as fight for labor justice. They found a building for street gay kids, fed them and clothed them, while the government was cutting the healthcare, taking away food stamps, and putting more people with AIDS, youth, and women on the street. In Leslie Feinberg Interviews Sylvia Rivera, Rivera reiterates the importance of not only doing community work but also fighting against the government and the ruling class. STAR joined the mass demonstration with the Young Lords, a revolutionary Puerto Rican youth group, against police repression in 1970. STAR also built alliances with the Housing Works Transgender Working Group and the New York Direct Action Nextwork Labor Group to form picket lines at a club where a trans dancer was dismissed from work. Fighting for trans rights is a class issue–to resist the rich property owners who push trans folks out of their neighborhoods, to confront the managers that try to fire trans workers, and to fight back against the state that cuts back healthcare...

(read more on questions and comments)

Friday, January 22, 2010

WE TOOK OVER THE STREET!


We pulled off three rallies on the same day over only one week. Around 80 students and workers came out to protest against the budget cuts. The cops were quieter and maybe too embarrassed to interfere our action so much this time. It's great to see that the workers' demands are front and centered with other students' demands. The next goal is to reach out to more people on campus and stress the urgency of fighting against the privatization of UW.

My arm is hella sore from holding the bullhorn and i totally lost my voice. But it was worth it.

See the Daily's article on the protest.

Watch the action led by International Workers and Students for Justice against abusive manager.

DEMOCRATIZE UW: Fight the Budget Cuts! from Wen on Vimeo.

Thursday, January 14, 2010

Protest abuse against UW custodians!


On Tuesday, January 13th, 30-40 students and workers came out to support custodians facing abuse by management and the cops! Protests targeted the abuse of Andre Vasuqez. Basically, he is a racist jerk manager who collaborates with cops to screw over the immigrant custodians. He is WANTED by the UW community for the unjust abuse!

Check out the VIDEO of action here put on by Democracy Insurgent.